Karl EГџ Transformation

Karl EГџ Transformation

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Karl EГџ Transformation

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The effect of that is that my take on it is somewhat disjointed. Hence no proper review. The four stars 3. I'm surprised we don't see more references to Polanyi's theories.

I did have some concerns with his choice of historical events. As is often the case, he has chosen thos I have to admit that I took fifty-one weeks to finish this.

As is often the case, he has chosen those which support his arguments over other obvious events.

Of course, he is not the first to do this. Over all, the history is sound. Marx is not the only voice on the left.

Mar 11, Andrew Fairweather rated it it was amazing Shelves: economics , historical , non-fiction. I had never read this book in its entirety, but in fragments I remember thinking it was interesting at the time My god, I couldn't agree more.

This is a very important book. Polanyi's basic argument is that the tenets of the free-marketeers rely upon strange assump I had never read this book in its entirety, but in fragments Polanyi's basic argument is that the tenets of the free-marketeers rely upon strange assumptions—one, that all human societies have been "barter" societies that mankind is many things, but is, in essence "economic" first and foremost —two, that the process of barter benefits both parties concerned.

Against this, Polanyi holds that most societies for millennia have been basic on values such as reciprocity rather than barter, and that the nature of mankind is social rather than to seek economic advantage.

The greatest blows to a person in society are the ones which damage the social standing of the members who live in it He's saying that people who advocated for free markets non-interventionalist regulatory policies were unique insofar as they were the first in the history of all peoples to "invariably accord precedence" of the economic over the social, believing that ideal social conditions would follow clement economic ones.

Essentially, they separated the economic from the social sphere by raising it up as the fulfillment of the greatest duty of one to oneself as a person whose sole task was to seek the greatest amount of gain.

Before the advent of classical economics, no school of thought had separated the economic from the social.

The historical "soil" in which this outlook took root was the system of enclosures practiced by landowners whose privatization of property uprooted countless families who had been tied to the land for centuries.

Gradually, the feudal social fabric had been upset to the degree that laborers and land began to be looked upon as free agents, or, "commodities," another strange interpretation of classical economics, one which was certainly novel.

Polanyi refers to these "commodities" as "fictitious commodities" since nothing was done to produce them—this truly radical interpretation of commodities did two things—one, it, in a way, freed members of a village or state from the bonds social and topographical which held them to the land, and, two, it completely upended communities, creating an absurd world of alienation and disintegration.

Truly, I am neither cute nor unique when I reiterate what many others have said—the greatest revolutionizing force in recent history has been the spread of capitalism.

Furthermore, Polanyi holds that if left unchecked, this great revolutionizing force of free markets not only destroys the bonds of society which help members understand their place within it, but destroys the planet.

Though these forces hold within them a great deal of revolutionary potential, they are untenable. Polanyi goes so far as to say that they are antithetical to the nature of mankind.

Writing during the Second World War, Polanyi does not see facism and socialism as aberrations from the natural purity of market societies, but as countermoves against the inherently dehumanizing currents of capital which know neither moral bounds nor limits which would satiate its demands for growth In its course, this "growth" would destroy us all.

As a result, countermoves such as socialism and fascism must be understood as efforts to remove fictitious commodities like land and human labor from the market, bringing them back into social orbit.

In this way, capital, which initially seeks freedom from authorities like "the Crown" eventually must seek protection from "the People.

According to Polanyi, this is precisely why despite universal suffrage in America, we still seem to be powerless against the owners of capital.

Polanyi sees our future as either the complete destruction of society and the planet in a quest for unfettered gain of the few free market capitalism a cynical move towards the elimination of freedom due to our disaffection towards it, fostering, instead, a caricaturesque assertion of the social fascism or taking back the market in the name of the People subordinating it to the Democratic principle socialism.

I'll stop here—there are many other angles to talk about Polanyi's masterpiece. Many historical points are made throughout the work which serve to reinforce his argument.

I'll leave these to the reader. For now, let me take this opportunity to encourage everyone to read this extremely important and though written roughly 70 years ago relevant piece.

It will clearly illustrate the choices we must make in what seems to me to be a particularly urgent hour of decision.

View all 12 comments. May 03, Chelsea Szendi rated it it was amazing Shelves: qualitative-sociology. Reading this book was a truly enjoyable experience.

It was also more than a little uncanny that the moment in which Polanyi wrote the book was first published in resonates so strongly with today, inasmuch as we are still in thrall to the utopian vision of the free market.

On Adam Smith's vision of Economic Man, Polanyi writes: "In retrospect it can be said that no misreading of the past ever proved more prophetic of the future.

While Polanyi's analysis of the natu Reading this book was a truly enjoyable experience. While Polanyi's analysis of the nature of the origins and implications of the struggle between the market and society remains as incisive as ever, I cannot be assured by the optimistic note upon which he tries to close.

He remarks in conclusion that "the worst of the transformation is already behind us. Also, the ecological effects of industrialization everywhere have hardly been addressed, let alone resolved, and may prove to be the absolutely insurmountable limit to the market and the survival of society.

Apr 15, Meru rated it did not like it. I really didn't like this book, mostly because I felt that it was poorly formulated and based on a lot of incomplete examples.

Every time Polanyi tried to prove something he'd give 4 examples of random indigenous populations in which the event occurred.

Because of this I wasn't able to accept any of his statements, even when they seemed logical, and the book generally fell flat.

View 2 comments. Jan 25, DoctorM rated it really liked it Shelves: history-and-historiography , economics.

Polanyi's "Great Transformation" is a classic of economic history in its older, political-economy mode, and a book too often forgotten in an era where economics is seen as a kind of physics, a discipline about ineluctable mathematical laws.

Polanyi looks at the social consequences of unfettered capitalism in early 19th-c. England and at the way British society, through relief schemes and workhouses, tried to cope with a world where workers were expected to behave as mere inputs.

A fine work, wel Polanyi's "Great Transformation" is a classic of economic history in its older, political-economy mode, and a book too often forgotten in an era where economics is seen as a kind of physics, a discipline about ineluctable mathematical laws.

A fine work, well-written, and frightening in its depictions of what "all that is solid melts into air" and "creative destruction" can mean in the absence of social constraints on the market.

May 07, Eric rated it it was amazing Recommends it for: Anybody interested in history, social criticism, economics, ecology, the fate of the human race.

All transactions are turned into money transactions, and these in turn require that a medium of exchange be introduced into every articulation of life.

All incomes must derive from the sale of something or other. But the most startling peculiarity of the system lies in the fact that, once it is established, it must be allowed to function without outside interference.

Machine production in a "The transformation. Polanyi is saying I got this wrong in my first post, before I finished and re-read, that the market society which we call "the economy" which has nearly eaten up the whole world, is an inevitable result of mechanized mass production.

The dehumanization of everyone-- turning humans into "consumers" is another necessary result. Makes no difference if you call it "socialism" or "capitalism" Thus, Polanyi makes an interesting companion to Lewis Mumford's notion of "the Megamachine".

The ideology of economic liberalism is a bankrupt utopia. Private enterprise, "sound" currency, libertarianism, deregulation--the still familiar ideas that originated with Malthus, Smith, and Ricardo are shown here to be based wholly on fictions that defy the evidence of all human history.

Despite their absurdity, these fictions were nonetheless enforced by the liberal state in the midst of the industrial revolution, eventually supplanting traditional economic practices all over Europe and beyond and leading predictably to social chaos and suffering for the most vulnerable classes.

According to Polanyi, industrialization seemed to proceed independently of any ideology; the fictions of economic liberalism merely filled this ideological vacuum, becoming the axioms of economic life for a century.

By the close of the 19th century, these fictions increasingly gave way to the social reality as Polanyi sees it , and social protections against destructive market forces were widely implemented.

The transformation the title refers to was the overall social outcome of those protective measures that he claims culminated in the interwar period, decisively ending the era of the self-regulating market, and giving rise to the New Deal, Fascism, and Stalinism.

A conventional teleology of progress is disappointingly apparent in Polanyi's conception of industrialization Weber has a much more disinterested approach , and he makes it explicit in the final chapter.

Writing in , he predicts that a balance will be found between the traditional ideals of peace and freedom on the one hand and the "demands" of industrial civilization on the other.

The only alternative he saw was total surrender to industry--in short, Fascism. Polanyi's faith in progress looks more than a little ridiculous now.

I guess this is what people mean when they refer to "the post-war dream. He could not imagine that in a few decades we would in fact be living in a neo-liberal society based on the resurrected image of the same utopia that he was certain had already passed.

Yet, for the same reason that his prognostications are now useless, his insight into the theory and practice of economic liberalism is now more relevant than ever.

The fictions of the market may now be approaching a breaking point once again. May 08, James Culbertson added it.

When I was in graduate school, I read Michael Polanyi's Personal Knowledge: Towards a Post-Critical Philosophy and was impressed with the way in which he argues that positivism gives a false account of knowing.

Having had to endure the righteous fundamentalism of positivist professors as an undergraduate, it was wonderfully refreshing to encounter a book that, in a few pages, was able to dismantle thoroughly the positivist view of knowing.

I realized later that these folks had only read When I was in graduate school, I read Michael Polanyi's Personal Knowledge: Towards a Post-Critical Philosophy and was impressed with the way in which he argues that positivism gives a false account of knowing.

I realized later that these folks had only read Wittgenstein's Tractatus and never had gotten to his later book, Philosophical Investigations Polanyi was a polymath, who made important theoretical contributions to physical chemistry, economics, and philosophy.

Only recently, however, did I discover that Michael had an equally talented brother, Karl, the political economist. Like his brother, Michael, Karl Polanyi set out to show that one of the beliefs of his time was in fact just a belief and not a law of nature.

Just as Michael set out to dethrone positivism as the only view of knowledge, Karl set out to delegitimize the utopian view of the market.

His arguments in this regard are pertinent to the current position of America's right, that lower taxes on business and less regulation in the market place will naturally lead to prosperity for all.

The sentence goes to the heart of Polanyi's position: the rejection of the free market as an incontrovertible universal force of nature like gravity whose action benefits everyone.

For Polanyi, the free market is a theoretical construct that is helpful in examining certain sorts of economic behavior. Most interesting to me was Polanyi's analysis of the early 19th century's laissez-faire economic liberalism based on three classical tenets: A Labor Market--labor should find its price on the market; The Gold Standard--the creation of money should be subject to an automatic mechanism; and, Free Trade--goods should be free to flow from country to country without hindrance or preference [ch.

Polanyi demonstrates that laissez-faire would never have come into existence on its own. It was in fact, like socialism, a "product of deliberate state action.

Aug 25, Michael Burnam-Fink rated it it was ok Shelves: history , , academic. What this book is is a rambling series of vaguely linked essays and tangents, with a few sparkling epigrams buried in a mass of economical-historical mush.

Polanyi is vague about his timeline, switching the exact period under study repeatedly through the book, which hinders comparisons of pre-transformation 18th century England with various policy innovations in the 19th century, and mature capitalism in the 20th.

The thread, as much as I can follow it, is that pre-modern people always distinguished between domestic production, which was limited by traditional feudal and guild structures to protect livelihoods, and production for foreign trade, which was used to exploit any community foolish enough to let it in.

Through the 19th century, Britain enacted a series of reforms that destroyed the old order, ushering in a period of dramatic capitalist growth based on promises of profit for the bourgeois, and the lash of hunger to motivate workers.

More broadly, classical liberalism can never work, because three key commodities: land, labor, and money, are "fictitious", and under pure free market influences immediately collapse into some sort of disastrous singularity.

Labor is human life, land is nature, the gold standard a false idol, and these things must be protected from society and vice versa.

As evidence for this, Polanyi puts forth the masses of regulatory laws that followed laissez-fair reforms.

Even in the absence of a program, Chartist or Marxist in ideology, people instinctively realized that market logic was corrosive, and restricted pure market functioning.

Liberty is built on society, and society is a matter of submitting to limits. I'm intensely frustrated.

I mostly agree with Polanyi politically, but he connects evidence to argument in a way that feels entirely opaque. This may be a foundational work in economic history, but it reads with all the relevance of last centuries flamewars.

The basic dyad of the debate between capital and society remains, but the contours and points of argument have shifted so rapidly this book feel archaic.

I came to this from a Marxist orientation, wanting to understand the roots of John O' Connor's ecosocialism.

One of the books that changed how I think. Though I disagree with its implicit dismissal of working class struggle. Oct 06, Peter rated it it was amazing.

A fascinating book. Read for a seminar; detailed notes follow. Because the system needed peace in order to function, the balance of power was made to serve it.

Take this economic system away and the peace interest would disappear from politics. However, they failed to understand that the previous system had both political and economic components that were mutually reinforcing; neglecting the political, the economic could never function fully.

Both of these were the result of a new institutional mechanism — whose dangers were never overcome — that was beginning to act on Western society.

Instead of economy being embedded in social relations, social relations are embedded in the economic systems. Rather, the transformation of markets into a self-regulating system resulted from mechanization itself an artificial phenomenon.

Yet the economic advantages it brought were more than offset by the social destruction it wrought. New types of regulation within the market mechanism itself had to be created to protect the people.

Trade unions, factory laws, and the like were adapted to the market mechanism, but because they interfered with its functioning, they ended up destroying the system.

As soon as it emerged, however, a series of protective measures sprang into being, leading to the fatal conflict with self-regulation of the system.

The Poor Law was administered locally and rested on the principle of enforced labor through workhouses. Observers at the time struggled to understand why the numbers of poor were increasing and failed to connect this development to the growth of trade in manufacture.

Self-Protection of Society Ch. The economic liberals believe the system has been hobbled by interventionism. Polanyi argues that the system failed because it was a fundamental impossibility; even if interventionism dealt the system fatal blows, it the was natural emergence of interventionism that showed the system unworkable in the first place.

Polanyi introduces the staying power of economic liberals, who can argue that any difficulty arising from the system can be attributed to its flawed or incomplete implementation.

He also argues that class interests are primarily of a social nature, not an economic nature. Thus, state interventions restricted the free functioning of the market in land.

The risk of falling prices created short-term problems for businesses and led them to seek interventions. Transforsformation in Progress Ch.

They became the center of politics in the s. Economic liberalism and socialist interventionism turned upon the different answers given to them.

The condition of the market system determined the role played by fascism. He favors socialism in the Robert Owen mold. Dec 26, Charles J rated it liked it.

The Great Transformation, published in , is an ambitious book. It attempts two huge tasks. First, to refute the free market ideology, sometimes called market fundamentalism, represented at that time by men such as Ludwig von Mises, and now by the entirety of globalized neoliberal capitalism.

Second, to explain the history of the nineteenth century through an economic lens that also purports to explain both World War I and World War II.

Mostly, the book is a failure. It overshoots in its crit The Great Transformation, published in , is an ambitious book.

It overshoots in its criticism of the free market, and falls short on its claims of historical explanation. There is some truth in this book, but it is buried beneath too much dross.

Polanyi managed to synthesize a very broad set of knowledge, not only economics, but also history and anthropology, into a coherent theory.

He claimed to be a socialist, but what he meant by that was not any form of ideological socialism, but simply that society should subordinate the market to larger shared goals.

His theory was offered to show the path to the optimal society, especially in times of rapid change. That does not obviate, however, his basic philosophical claims, with which I generally agree—but which are only a small part of his book.

Unlike Röpke, who called for balance with a default toward free human action, Polanyi ultimately falls into the morass of utopian, government-mandated social planning that has always proved to be a cure worse than the disease.

Social planning that hobbles the unfettered free market is both possible and desirable, but to achieve real human flourishing, it has to be done with far finer tools, and with a far more virtuous ruling class and compliant ruled class, than Polanyi and other left-leaning social thinkers suggest.

Not that Polanyi likes the gold standard; quite the contrary. It was slavish adherence to the gold standard in the service of gain by men of power that, for a time, allowed the other three to flourish—at the same time, suppressing normal social pushback to limit the reach of the market into society.

It was the breakdown in the gold standard that revealed the rot that had grown underneath, and what we got was chaos, then fascism.

Much of the book is a detailed exploration based in history and anthropology. Slowing change down was what the Crown did under the Tudors and Stuarts, without getting due recognition from later historians and economists.

He does not act so as to safeguard his individual interest in the possession of material goods; he acts so as to safeguard his social standing, his social claims, his social assets.

He values material goods only in so far as they serve this end. Now, however, society is embedded in the economy, rather than the reverse, and we are not the better for the switch.

For Polanyi, any economy is not a freestanding framework within which we operate. Rather, the economy is a manifestation of, and should serve, social relations.

This is true in the narrow sense, that a friction-filled or low-trust society results in a poorly functioning economy. But that is far less important than the broader sense, that social goals, in short, human flourishing, are the proper object of the economy.

Other goals, such as maximizing GDP, or obtaining low transactions costs, or honoring an abstract freedom to enter into contracts, should be subordinate or oppositional.

I think that Polanyi understates the degree to which simple desire for getting more material things, as cheaply as possible, drives and has always driven human beings.

Then he turns to his biggest objection to the self-regulating market, that in it everything must be treated as a commodity.

Everything must have a market price. Polanyi rejects treating everything as commodity—and he frames much of his book around the commodification, in the Industrial Revolution and after, of land, labor, and money, which for him are not real commodities, because they were not produced for market use, but factors that pre-exist market commodities, and they are therefore not subject to the same rules as market commodities.

Therefore, the state should manage these three items for the benefit of society, not with an eye to perpetuating a fiction of a spontaneously-arising market in them.

For Polanyi, unfettered commodification demolishes society, as well as the natural world, and the solution is government intervention, which, in a democratic society, is demanded by those adversely affected by unfettered commodification.

Because of the pernicious resulting effects, social movements spontaneously arise to address those effects, and part of their response is to limit the commodification.

Without the double movement, a totally unfettered market would result, and it would not be a libertarian paradise, but a disaster, with social alienation, poverty, political unrest, and environmental catastrophe.

When the double movement fails, as shown historically in slavish adherence to the gold standard, which overrode democratic concerns about social harms, we got fascism.

No doubt Polanyi would see a lot of value in Bernie Sanders. Such household truths of traditional statesmanship, often merely reflecting the teachings of a social philosophy inherited from the ancients, were in the nineteenth century erased from the thoughts of the educated by the corrosive of a crude utilitarianism combined with an uncritical reliance on the alleged self-healing virtues of unconscious growth.

I agree. Most people probably do, except for ideologues. But what are the practical applications? The last part of the book, in which Polanyi tries to tie his general principles to the first half of the twentieth century, is not successful.

I frankly had great trouble understanding his arguments, but they appear to revolve around the idea that World War I resulted from the pressures arising from maintaining a global self-regulating market, and fascism resulted from economic chaos, that itself resulted less from World War I and more from public dissatisfaction resulting from suffering caused by attempts to remain on the gold standard which were made in a desperate attempt to retain the wholly self-regulating market in all its nineteenth-century glory.

Also in there is the idea that the freezing of the market economy arising from and after World War I created fear among all sectors of society, who collectively realized that complete paralysis would be fatal, and so therefore turned to fascist leaders making promises, although Polanyi does not tell us what, in this context, those promises were perhaps because he was writing so close in time to the events he describes.

Polanyi seems to use fascism as an all-purpose term for non-democratic regimes that are not liberal in nature, that is, are not devoted to maximizing individual autonomy, neither in market transactions nor otherwhere.

If Polanyi followed the courage of his convictions, he would admit that many such a regime could fit precisely within what he claims to desire, since democracy is only one means to the double movement.

But he never admits that, and, I suppose, the noisomeness of the most prominent so-called fascist regimes in his own time probably masked this obvious conclusion.

Nor was Polanyi good at prognostication. Polanyi thought the self-regulating market was over; he even seems self-congratulatory.

Polanyi thought, and desired,. Jan 21, Bill rated it really liked it Shelves: dmingml , gml-dmin. I've been fortunate to read this book with a group of doctoral students, otherwise I would probably be still trying to wade my way through it.

Polanyi is not an easy read, but the thoughts he elucidates to challenge his readers are worth the effort. His basic thesis is that a "free market" economy one which lacks governmental controls and regulations is not only impossible to achieve, but undesirable as well.

His assertion is that a truly free market could not exist for any length of time witho I've been fortunate to read this book with a group of doctoral students, otherwise I would probably be still trying to wade my way through it.

His assertion is that a truly free market could not exist for any length of time without "annihilating the human and natural substance of society A truly free market must be disembedded to be fully self-regulating.

Polanyi also suggests that free markets are undesirable What is needed according to Polanyi? Regulations which are designed to protect the vulnerable from abuse and corruption is a good starting point.

Thanks Polanyi. But a healthy dose of integrity among political leadership would also go a long way. My thoughts? Economic structures are merely tools.

Capitalism can be used for evil, as well as for producing good. Socialism, also a tool of those who wield power, can be used for both good and evil.

It is not the system which needs regulation, but those who operate the system. In the absence of a way to transform the inner hearts of man, there will always be a need for regulations.

May 14, Jeff Rowe rated it it was amazing Shelves: non-fiction. This was written in ? Because it works pretty well in today's global economy even though it focuses upon the collapse of the global system in Some books take one idea and build an ironclad case around it.

This book, on the other hand, is chock full of ideas. Overflowing in fact. So many ideas that they can't all be proven, but that's okay. The author trods a novel middle ground in his reasoning that's neither Communist, nor Capitalist which was refreshingly new to me.

The idea This was written in ? On 25 April Schorske was made an honorary citizen of Vienna during a ceremony attended by his wife, Elizabeth Rorke d , his granddaughter, Carina del Valle Schorske, and the mayor of Vienna, Dr Michael Häupl.

In he was a MacArthur Fellow. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Carl Emil Schorske. New York City , New York. East Windsor Township, New Jersey.

Retrieved Der Standard in German. Detroit: Gale, Literature Resource Center. TIME magazine. Schorske" PDF. Retrieved 15 September

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Karl EГџ Transformation

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Karl EГџ Transformation -

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May 07, Eric rated it it was amazing Recommends it for: Anybody interested in history, social criticism, economics, ecology, the fate of the human race.

All transactions are turned into money transactions, and these in turn require that a medium of exchange be introduced into every articulation of life.

All incomes must derive from the sale of something or other. But the most startling peculiarity of the system lies in the fact that, once it is established, it must be allowed to function without outside interference.

Machine production in a "The transformation. Polanyi is saying I got this wrong in my first post, before I finished and re-read, that the market society which we call "the economy" which has nearly eaten up the whole world, is an inevitable result of mechanized mass production.

The dehumanization of everyone-- turning humans into "consumers" is another necessary result.

Makes no difference if you call it "socialism" or "capitalism" Thus, Polanyi makes an interesting companion to Lewis Mumford's notion of "the Megamachine".

The ideology of economic liberalism is a bankrupt utopia. Private enterprise, "sound" currency, libertarianism, deregulation--the still familiar ideas that originated with Malthus, Smith, and Ricardo are shown here to be based wholly on fictions that defy the evidence of all human history.

Despite their absurdity, these fictions were nonetheless enforced by the liberal state in the midst of the industrial revolution, eventually supplanting traditional economic practices all over Europe and beyond and leading predictably to social chaos and suffering for the most vulnerable classes.

According to Polanyi, industrialization seemed to proceed independently of any ideology; the fictions of economic liberalism merely filled this ideological vacuum, becoming the axioms of economic life for a century.

By the close of the 19th century, these fictions increasingly gave way to the social reality as Polanyi sees it , and social protections against destructive market forces were widely implemented.

The transformation the title refers to was the overall social outcome of those protective measures that he claims culminated in the interwar period, decisively ending the era of the self-regulating market, and giving rise to the New Deal, Fascism, and Stalinism.

A conventional teleology of progress is disappointingly apparent in Polanyi's conception of industrialization Weber has a much more disinterested approach , and he makes it explicit in the final chapter.

Writing in , he predicts that a balance will be found between the traditional ideals of peace and freedom on the one hand and the "demands" of industrial civilization on the other.

The only alternative he saw was total surrender to industry--in short, Fascism. Polanyi's faith in progress looks more than a little ridiculous now.

I guess this is what people mean when they refer to "the post-war dream. He could not imagine that in a few decades we would in fact be living in a neo-liberal society based on the resurrected image of the same utopia that he was certain had already passed.

Yet, for the same reason that his prognostications are now useless, his insight into the theory and practice of economic liberalism is now more relevant than ever.

The fictions of the market may now be approaching a breaking point once again. May 08, James Culbertson added it. When I was in graduate school, I read Michael Polanyi's Personal Knowledge: Towards a Post-Critical Philosophy and was impressed with the way in which he argues that positivism gives a false account of knowing.

Having had to endure the righteous fundamentalism of positivist professors as an undergraduate, it was wonderfully refreshing to encounter a book that, in a few pages, was able to dismantle thoroughly the positivist view of knowing.

I realized later that these folks had only read When I was in graduate school, I read Michael Polanyi's Personal Knowledge: Towards a Post-Critical Philosophy and was impressed with the way in which he argues that positivism gives a false account of knowing.

I realized later that these folks had only read Wittgenstein's Tractatus and never had gotten to his later book, Philosophical Investigations Polanyi was a polymath, who made important theoretical contributions to physical chemistry, economics, and philosophy.

Only recently, however, did I discover that Michael had an equally talented brother, Karl, the political economist.

Like his brother, Michael, Karl Polanyi set out to show that one of the beliefs of his time was in fact just a belief and not a law of nature.

Just as Michael set out to dethrone positivism as the only view of knowledge, Karl set out to delegitimize the utopian view of the market.

His arguments in this regard are pertinent to the current position of America's right, that lower taxes on business and less regulation in the market place will naturally lead to prosperity for all.

The sentence goes to the heart of Polanyi's position: the rejection of the free market as an incontrovertible universal force of nature like gravity whose action benefits everyone.

For Polanyi, the free market is a theoretical construct that is helpful in examining certain sorts of economic behavior.

Most interesting to me was Polanyi's analysis of the early 19th century's laissez-faire economic liberalism based on three classical tenets: A Labor Market--labor should find its price on the market; The Gold Standard--the creation of money should be subject to an automatic mechanism; and, Free Trade--goods should be free to flow from country to country without hindrance or preference [ch.

Polanyi demonstrates that laissez-faire would never have come into existence on its own. It was in fact, like socialism, a "product of deliberate state action.

Aug 25, Michael Burnam-Fink rated it it was ok Shelves: history , , academic. What this book is is a rambling series of vaguely linked essays and tangents, with a few sparkling epigrams buried in a mass of economical-historical mush.

Polanyi is vague about his timeline, switching the exact period under study repeatedly through the book, which hinders comparisons of pre-transformation 18th century England with various policy innovations in the 19th century, and mature capitalism in the 20th.

The thread, as much as I can follow it, is that pre-modern people always distinguished between domestic production, which was limited by traditional feudal and guild structures to protect livelihoods, and production for foreign trade, which was used to exploit any community foolish enough to let it in.

Through the 19th century, Britain enacted a series of reforms that destroyed the old order, ushering in a period of dramatic capitalist growth based on promises of profit for the bourgeois, and the lash of hunger to motivate workers.

More broadly, classical liberalism can never work, because three key commodities: land, labor, and money, are "fictitious", and under pure free market influences immediately collapse into some sort of disastrous singularity.

Labor is human life, land is nature, the gold standard a false idol, and these things must be protected from society and vice versa.

As evidence for this, Polanyi puts forth the masses of regulatory laws that followed laissez-fair reforms. Even in the absence of a program, Chartist or Marxist in ideology, people instinctively realized that market logic was corrosive, and restricted pure market functioning.

Liberty is built on society, and society is a matter of submitting to limits. I'm intensely frustrated. I mostly agree with Polanyi politically, but he connects evidence to argument in a way that feels entirely opaque.

This may be a foundational work in economic history, but it reads with all the relevance of last centuries flamewars. The basic dyad of the debate between capital and society remains, but the contours and points of argument have shifted so rapidly this book feel archaic.

I came to this from a Marxist orientation, wanting to understand the roots of John O' Connor's ecosocialism. One of the books that changed how I think.

Though I disagree with its implicit dismissal of working class struggle. Oct 06, Peter rated it it was amazing. A fascinating book. Read for a seminar; detailed notes follow.

Because the system needed peace in order to function, the balance of power was made to serve it. Take this economic system away and the peace interest would disappear from politics.

However, they failed to understand that the previous system had both political and economic components that were mutually reinforcing; neglecting the political, the economic could never function fully.

Both of these were the result of a new institutional mechanism — whose dangers were never overcome — that was beginning to act on Western society.

Instead of economy being embedded in social relations, social relations are embedded in the economic systems. Rather, the transformation of markets into a self-regulating system resulted from mechanization itself an artificial phenomenon.

Yet the economic advantages it brought were more than offset by the social destruction it wrought. New types of regulation within the market mechanism itself had to be created to protect the people.

Trade unions, factory laws, and the like were adapted to the market mechanism, but because they interfered with its functioning, they ended up destroying the system.

As soon as it emerged, however, a series of protective measures sprang into being, leading to the fatal conflict with self-regulation of the system.

The Poor Law was administered locally and rested on the principle of enforced labor through workhouses. Observers at the time struggled to understand why the numbers of poor were increasing and failed to connect this development to the growth of trade in manufacture.

Self-Protection of Society Ch. The economic liberals believe the system has been hobbled by interventionism. Polanyi argues that the system failed because it was a fundamental impossibility; even if interventionism dealt the system fatal blows, it the was natural emergence of interventionism that showed the system unworkable in the first place.

Polanyi introduces the staying power of economic liberals, who can argue that any difficulty arising from the system can be attributed to its flawed or incomplete implementation.

He also argues that class interests are primarily of a social nature, not an economic nature. Thus, state interventions restricted the free functioning of the market in land.

The risk of falling prices created short-term problems for businesses and led them to seek interventions. Transforsformation in Progress Ch.

They became the center of politics in the s. Economic liberalism and socialist interventionism turned upon the different answers given to them.

The condition of the market system determined the role played by fascism. He favors socialism in the Robert Owen mold. Dec 26, Charles J rated it liked it.

The Great Transformation, published in , is an ambitious book. It attempts two huge tasks. First, to refute the free market ideology, sometimes called market fundamentalism, represented at that time by men such as Ludwig von Mises, and now by the entirety of globalized neoliberal capitalism.

Second, to explain the history of the nineteenth century through an economic lens that also purports to explain both World War I and World War II.

Mostly, the book is a failure. It overshoots in its crit The Great Transformation, published in , is an ambitious book.

It overshoots in its criticism of the free market, and falls short on its claims of historical explanation.

There is some truth in this book, but it is buried beneath too much dross. Polanyi managed to synthesize a very broad set of knowledge, not only economics, but also history and anthropology, into a coherent theory.

He claimed to be a socialist, but what he meant by that was not any form of ideological socialism, but simply that society should subordinate the market to larger shared goals.

His theory was offered to show the path to the optimal society, especially in times of rapid change.

That does not obviate, however, his basic philosophical claims, with which I generally agree—but which are only a small part of his book.

Unlike Röpke, who called for balance with a default toward free human action, Polanyi ultimately falls into the morass of utopian, government-mandated social planning that has always proved to be a cure worse than the disease.

Social planning that hobbles the unfettered free market is both possible and desirable, but to achieve real human flourishing, it has to be done with far finer tools, and with a far more virtuous ruling class and compliant ruled class, than Polanyi and other left-leaning social thinkers suggest.

Not that Polanyi likes the gold standard; quite the contrary. It was slavish adherence to the gold standard in the service of gain by men of power that, for a time, allowed the other three to flourish—at the same time, suppressing normal social pushback to limit the reach of the market into society.

It was the breakdown in the gold standard that revealed the rot that had grown underneath, and what we got was chaos, then fascism.

Much of the book is a detailed exploration based in history and anthropology. Slowing change down was what the Crown did under the Tudors and Stuarts, without getting due recognition from later historians and economists.

He does not act so as to safeguard his individual interest in the possession of material goods; he acts so as to safeguard his social standing, his social claims, his social assets.

He values material goods only in so far as they serve this end. Now, however, society is embedded in the economy, rather than the reverse, and we are not the better for the switch.

For Polanyi, any economy is not a freestanding framework within which we operate. Rather, the economy is a manifestation of, and should serve, social relations.

This is true in the narrow sense, that a friction-filled or low-trust society results in a poorly functioning economy.

But that is far less important than the broader sense, that social goals, in short, human flourishing, are the proper object of the economy.

Other goals, such as maximizing GDP, or obtaining low transactions costs, or honoring an abstract freedom to enter into contracts, should be subordinate or oppositional.

I think that Polanyi understates the degree to which simple desire for getting more material things, as cheaply as possible, drives and has always driven human beings.

Then he turns to his biggest objection to the self-regulating market, that in it everything must be treated as a commodity. Everything must have a market price.

Polanyi rejects treating everything as commodity—and he frames much of his book around the commodification, in the Industrial Revolution and after, of land, labor, and money, which for him are not real commodities, because they were not produced for market use, but factors that pre-exist market commodities, and they are therefore not subject to the same rules as market commodities.

Therefore, the state should manage these three items for the benefit of society, not with an eye to perpetuating a fiction of a spontaneously-arising market in them.

For Polanyi, unfettered commodification demolishes society, as well as the natural world, and the solution is government intervention, which, in a democratic society, is demanded by those adversely affected by unfettered commodification.

Because of the pernicious resulting effects, social movements spontaneously arise to address those effects, and part of their response is to limit the commodification.

Without the double movement, a totally unfettered market would result, and it would not be a libertarian paradise, but a disaster, with social alienation, poverty, political unrest, and environmental catastrophe.

When the double movement fails, as shown historically in slavish adherence to the gold standard, which overrode democratic concerns about social harms, we got fascism.

No doubt Polanyi would see a lot of value in Bernie Sanders. Such household truths of traditional statesmanship, often merely reflecting the teachings of a social philosophy inherited from the ancients, were in the nineteenth century erased from the thoughts of the educated by the corrosive of a crude utilitarianism combined with an uncritical reliance on the alleged self-healing virtues of unconscious growth.

I agree. Most people probably do, except for ideologues. But what are the practical applications? The last part of the book, in which Polanyi tries to tie his general principles to the first half of the twentieth century, is not successful.

I frankly had great trouble understanding his arguments, but they appear to revolve around the idea that World War I resulted from the pressures arising from maintaining a global self-regulating market, and fascism resulted from economic chaos, that itself resulted less from World War I and more from public dissatisfaction resulting from suffering caused by attempts to remain on the gold standard which were made in a desperate attempt to retain the wholly self-regulating market in all its nineteenth-century glory.

Also in there is the idea that the freezing of the market economy arising from and after World War I created fear among all sectors of society, who collectively realized that complete paralysis would be fatal, and so therefore turned to fascist leaders making promises, although Polanyi does not tell us what, in this context, those promises were perhaps because he was writing so close in time to the events he describes.

Polanyi seems to use fascism as an all-purpose term for non-democratic regimes that are not liberal in nature, that is, are not devoted to maximizing individual autonomy, neither in market transactions nor otherwhere.

If Polanyi followed the courage of his convictions, he would admit that many such a regime could fit precisely within what he claims to desire, since democracy is only one means to the double movement.

But he never admits that, and, I suppose, the noisomeness of the most prominent so-called fascist regimes in his own time probably masked this obvious conclusion.

Nor was Polanyi good at prognostication. Polanyi thought the self-regulating market was over; he even seems self-congratulatory.

Polanyi thought, and desired,. Jan 21, Bill rated it really liked it Shelves: dmingml , gml-dmin.

I've been fortunate to read this book with a group of doctoral students, otherwise I would probably be still trying to wade my way through it.

Polanyi is not an easy read, but the thoughts he elucidates to challenge his readers are worth the effort.

His basic thesis is that a "free market" economy one which lacks governmental controls and regulations is not only impossible to achieve, but undesirable as well.

His assertion is that a truly free market could not exist for any length of time witho I've been fortunate to read this book with a group of doctoral students, otherwise I would probably be still trying to wade my way through it.

His assertion is that a truly free market could not exist for any length of time without "annihilating the human and natural substance of society A truly free market must be disembedded to be fully self-regulating.

Polanyi also suggests that free markets are undesirable What is needed according to Polanyi? Regulations which are designed to protect the vulnerable from abuse and corruption is a good starting point.

Thanks Polanyi. But a healthy dose of integrity among political leadership would also go a long way.

My thoughts? Economic structures are merely tools. Capitalism can be used for evil, as well as for producing good.

Socialism, also a tool of those who wield power, can be used for both good and evil. It is not the system which needs regulation, but those who operate the system.

In the absence of a way to transform the inner hearts of man, there will always be a need for regulations. May 14, Jeff Rowe rated it it was amazing Shelves: non-fiction.

This was written in ? Because it works pretty well in today's global economy even though it focuses upon the collapse of the global system in Some books take one idea and build an ironclad case around it.

This book, on the other hand, is chock full of ideas. Overflowing in fact. So many ideas that they can't all be proven, but that's okay.

The author trods a novel middle ground in his reasoning that's neither Communist, nor Capitalist which was refreshingly new to me.

The idea This was written in ? The idea is that the free market is embedded in, and consequently a tool of society.

But the free market is assumed to be entirely independent of social structure in order to function properly and society is merely a small adjunct.

This dooms it to failure, as with all radical utopian schemes that aim to regulate society automatically. Because people in society will not sacrifice their lives for the ideal of the free market when the automated control it provides makes their lives worse.

Nor should they. But there's much, much more. Like the balance of power in the world, the role of international finance in promoting peace, and the well deserved death of the gold standard.

A really great book full of ideas to help you understand the world. Oct 14, Brenda marked it as to-read Shelves: school-nerd , business-y.

Quote from Thomas Frank: "Because of what's going on in the economy, this election is basically a referendum on what kind of nation we're going to be and what kind of democracy we're going to be.

I'd like to recommend the literature of what's wrong with capitalism — how if you let it just run unregulated, it will self-destruct like it's doing right now, and it will drive millions of people into bankruptcy and kick up unemployment.

People haven't written about that in a long time because we've bee Quote from Thomas Frank: "Because of what's going on in the economy, this election is basically a referendum on what kind of nation we're going to be and what kind of democracy we're going to be.

People haven't written about that in a long time because we've been living in a state where we thought those problems had been solved, and now it turns out they haven't been.

It's not the easiest thing to read, but it's the classic indictment of pure, laissez-faire, 19th-century style economics. I get a big kick out of it.

May 05, Hana marked it as to-read Shelves: policy-politics , business-finance , history-and-bio. I discovered Polanyi's work through a provocative essay on The Market as God in which religious commentator, Harvey Cox writes: "Since the earliest stages of human history, of course, there have been bazaars, rialtos, and trading posts—all markets.

But The Market was never God, because there were other centers of value and meaning, other "gods. As Karl Polanyi has demonstrated in his classic work The Great Transfor I discovered Polanyi's work through a provocative essay on The Market as God in which religious commentator, Harvey Cox writes: "Since the earliest stages of human history, of course, there have been bazaars, rialtos, and trading posts—all markets.

As Karl Polanyi has demonstrated in his classic work The Great Transformation, only in the past two centuries has The Market risen above these demigods and chthonic spirits to become today's First Cause.

Aug 17, Andrew added it Shelves: sociology. Karl Polanyi's claims that the spirit of liberal capitalism will be extinguished by a more modern and humane socialism sound like so much wishful thinking now.

But he's quite right about the market system being nothing natural, and about the violent tumult and human misery engendered by free markets reinforced and perpetuated by the modern state.

All of that being said, I'm not really familiar with a lot of the history of early 19th Century England-- which is the critical example that Polanyi us Karl Polanyi's claims that the spirit of liberal capitalism will be extinguished by a more modern and humane socialism sound like so much wishful thinking now.

All of that being said, I'm not really familiar with a lot of the history of early 19th Century England-- which is the critical example that Polanyi uses to illustrate his "great transformation.

Dec 19, Laura rated it it was amazing. In this absolutely marvelous book--his magnum opus--, Karl Polanyi analyzes free-market ideology in an absolutely brilliant and accessible way.

It is unfair to say that this book is prophetic. As he was arguing with the founder of modern economics, the author was going on far more than intuition.

Karl Polanyi was the intellectual rival of the founder of modern neoliberalism--that is, of the man who later became economic adviser to Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan.

It is, however, the best cr In this absolutely marvelous book--his magnum opus--, Karl Polanyi analyzes free-market ideology in an absolutely brilliant and accessible way.

It is, however, the best critical analysis you could possible ask for on the origins and nature of free market economics.

I recommend it very, very highly to anyone interested in the topic. Apr 15, Sarah rated it it was amazing Shelves: community-development , economics.

As far as I know, Stiglitz was in diapers when Polanyi wrote the Great Transformation, so I don't know why he is listed as an author.

I have the original edition of this book and it is a timeless economics classic and has yet to be surpassed in breadth and depth by any current economic theorist.

Also, Polanyi is about as sexy as economics gets. Jan 05, Michael rated it really liked it Recommends it for: anyone wishing for an update on marx.

That there is no hand of providence guiding the markets towards grace. That no one in the political sciences can write, and that professors educated at harvard yet pontificate elsewhere are worms.

Jan 02, Rishi rated it it was amazing. Te underlying philosophy is that if development harms people right now, than don't do it; i.

Jan 10, Vrinda Agarwal rated it really liked it. I hope to come back to this book later and actually read through the chapters I skipped over.

Essentially, in this book Polanyi critiques the conception of the "self-regulating market" and argues that market liberalism is inherently flawed because it attempts to "disembed" social and political aspects of society from the economic and commodify land, labor, and purchasing power.

He argues that this process is impossible because as the market expands, we see that civil society pushes back against market liberalism to protect their own social and political interests.

He also talks about a lot of other stuff, like how "laissez-fare was planned; planning was not" , and the relationship between states, markets, and the rest of society.

Overall, I thought this was a brilliant book. You can see connections to his arguments everywhere in modern society and history, and his understanding of the relationship between the state and markets seems to extend a lot further than that of traditional economists.

The only thing I was a bit confused about and this could be because I just didn't grasp his argument that well is his conception of freedom, and how he gets out of the "either free-market liberalism or fascism there is no in-between" issue.

Definitely will have to re-read but overall I thought this book was fantastic and really enhanced my understanding of societal and economic structures!

There are no discussion topics on this book yet. Readers also enjoyed. About Karl Polanyi. Karl Polanyi. Karl Paul Polanyi was an Austro-Hungarian economic historian, economic anthropologist, economic sociologist, political economist, historical sociologist and social philosopher.

He is known for his opposition to traditional economic thought and for his book, The Great Transformation , which argued that the emergence of market-based societies in modern Europe was not inevitable but historically conti Karl Paul Polanyi was an Austro-Hungarian economic historian, economic anthropologist, economic sociologist, political economist, historical sociologist and social philosopher.

He is known for his opposition to traditional economic thought and for his book, The Great Transformation , which argued that the emergence of market-based societies in modern Europe was not inevitable but historically contingent.

Polanyi is remembered today as the originator of substantivism, a cultural approach to economics, which emphasized the way economies are embedded in society and culture.

This view ran counter to mainstream economics but is popular in anthropology, economic history, economic sociology and political science.

New York City , New York. East Windsor Township, New Jersey. Retrieved Der Standard in German. Detroit: Gale, Literature Resource Center.

TIME magazine. Schorske" PDF. Retrieved 15 September Retrieved 14 February Pulitzer Prize for General Nonfiction — Why Survive? Butler Beautiful Swimmers by William W.

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Karl EГџ Transformation Video

3 comments

  1. Ich tue Abbitte, dass sich eingemischt hat... Ich hier vor kurzem. Aber mir ist dieses Thema sehr nah. Schreiben Sie in PM.

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